Thursday, March 15, 2007

Personalizing the modern

In his Santa Monica apartment, commercial designer Bernard Brucha livens up the budget minimalism with pieces that add some fun. IKEA buys fit in with classic Noguchi, industrial objects and quirky finds.
By David A. Keeps, Times Staff Writer; March 15, 2007

Fresh and funky

BERNARD BRUCHA wanted a place he could park his surfboard after a morning ride and get down to business. For him, the ideal live-work space wasn’t a done-up loft downtown but an ocean-view two-bedroom apartment in Santa Monica waiting to be transformed by a little personality and ingenuity.

On a bare-bones budget, he has fashioned a lean and purposeful 1,000-square-foot home and office that doesn’t skimp on style.


Furnished with IKEA pieces, handmade assemblages and found objects, it is a space that expresses his sensibility: minimalism with soul.

“I use a lot of super-long linear elements with limited detailing at work,” says the 33-year-old principal of Mash Studios, which designs commercial interiors and furniture.

“So the decoration I do at home is very specific — pieces that are about the form and materials.”

He points out a gunmetal lump of anthracite coal. It sits at the end of a teak bookcase set against a stone-gray wall covered with panels of WonderBoard, a surface purchased at a hardware store that is used to mount tile.

“I like the mixture of natural and industrial,” he says.

Brucha got his taste for organic materials as a child visiting the Museum of Science and Industry in his native Chicago.

“There were all these things you want to touch and see what it does,” he recalls.

Visitors to his top-floor unit in a midcentury motel-style building experience a similar sense of wonder.

In the home office, why do a bowling ball and a Brunswick Red Crown pin stand next to a potted dracaena with twisting branches?

They are all souvenirs from his days in Brooklyn, N.Y., where Brucha worked for furniture designer Dakota Jackson.

And that scrap metal over there? Those chunks of I-beams, combined with an old electric fan, serve as small-scale sculpture next to a boxy gray couch.

“If I had more dough, I’d have less IKEA,” he says in defense of the sofa he bought when he moved to Los Angeles six years ago. “But it’s just so easy.”

Brucha also found IKEA lighting fixtures and red cotton rugs to his liking. He transformed a pair of the store’s inexpensive desks (two for $150) into workstations by topping them with Vyco, a vinyl surface used on drafting tables.

As a renter, Brucha has been careful not to get locked into built-ins, oversized pieces and trendy furniture.

“Those are the first things you’re going to throw away when you move,” he says.

He invests in classics such as his latest prize: a steer-horn-shaped bamboo floor lamp, a 1951 Isamu Noguchi design that Brucha purchased online for $845.

“When I shop, what I imagine is, ‘Am I still going to love it in 10 years?’ Furniture isn’t supposed to be disposable,” he says. “It should be made to last and have a second life. Certain pieces may cost a little more, but I am going to have that Noguchi lamp when I am 70.”

The industrial designer built some of the largest, most eye-catching furnishings in his home: a slatted platform bed made from palm wood, a bookcase, and a table and benches made from quartersawed, plantation-grown teak “thinnings” (smaller trees cut down to let larger ones grow).

“I like to do most of my work here,” says Brucha, whose storage units and plywood cabinets are part of a line carried by Denizen Design Gallery in Los Angeles. “It’s an inspiring place.”

When he needs to clear his head, he will step onto the terrace, which is trimmed in rope light for nighttime entertaining.

“I’ve got potted succulents and about 10 different kinds of bonsai going on,” he says as a track from Coldplay spins on his Mac. “It’s my California Zen moment.”

Posted by M at 19:30:38 | Permalink | No Comments »

China grapples with land rights

By Mark Magnier, Times Staff Writer
8:05 PM PDT, March 15, 2007

When upwardly mobile residents of this noisy, polluted city bought into the Huilongguan condominium complex several years ago, one of its biggest attractions was a huge swath of green space the developer pledged to leave untouched.

Three years later, after most of the 7,000 units were sold, things got ugly.


Piles of bricks, sand and other construction materials appeared on the green. In response, residents organized, planting 1,300 trees and setting up a 24-hour guard. But the well-connected developer gave them a harsh lesson about government power and big money in today’s China:

The government land registration office refused to let them see official records. “Mediators” blatantly sided with the developer. Construction workers beat up residents. Police threw several leaders in jail. And the developer muscled new buildings into the space.

Urban, middle-class apartment owners, such as residents of this condo complex, are likely to be the biggest winners today, when China’s National People’s Congress passes the Communist country’s first law codifying the protection of private property. Analysts say the legislation theoretically will put state and private ownership on equal footing.

Although the final language has not been released, experts say the law will recognize homeowner associations, give residents rights to common areas and provide more tools to fight developers.

While a law enshrining property rights shows at one level how much has changed in China, experts say it hardly represents radical reform. Politics still often trump legal considerations.

What the legislation will do is give legal status to market-oriented changes long evident in Chinese society, benefiting a class of people that is most capable of organizing and may one day challenge the Communist Party’s hold on power.

“We have to stand up against these sorts of abuses,” said Li Guocheng, 61, a resident of the condo complex. He acknowledged that the “green is gone forever,” but added, “This is about justice.”

The law does not address how to protect poorly educated and badly organized farmers being forced off rural land in growing numbers by corrupt local officials.

Officially, this reflects concern that if they were allowed to deal their land rights, farmers would sell cheap, leaving them destitute in a country with no adequate rural social security system. Others say it indicates the state’s reluctance to relinquish power.

“Hopefully, it will strengthen farmers against forced demolitions or seizures,” said Lu Guang, an attorney who has represented several such cases. “But local governments will resist. We can’t expect too much.”

By Chinese standards, the lawmaking process was relatively open. Most laws in China are written by officials or senior Communist Party cadres behind closed doors. By contrast, the property law took nearly a decade and elicited about 14,000 suggestions, including a two-year delay after a prominent critic labeled it unconstitutional.

“With each debate, we saw progress,” said Jiang Ping, head of the drafting team and a law professor at Beijing’s China University of Political Science and Law. “At times, it’s been hard to find common ground with all these viewpoints.”

Several of the eight drafts were not made public, and much of the latter-stage maneuvering was done in secret. Furthermore, some critics say, a basic assumption behind the law is that an omniscient government grants its citizens privileges, not rights. While the law extends and better defines use rights, land is still owned by the state or local cooperatives acting on its behalf.

“Technically, it was a very good drafting process, much better than you ever see in our Congress,” said Patrick A. Randolph, a law professor at the University of Missouri-Kansas City, who provided advice on its framing. “But there’s still an underlying sense you can play with the toys until the state decides it wants to take them away.”

Still, Sun Dawu, founder of a poultry and animal feed conglomerate south of Beijing in Hebei province, said passage of the law would be a step forward.

“Having a law that protects everyone’s rights, rich and poor, is progress,” Sun said at his complex of hatcheries, grain fields, vineyards, a school and a temple to his hero Confucius.

“At the same time, we still can’t put undue trust in any law until we get a healthy judiciary and more rigorous legal tradition,” added the self-made entrepreneur, who was jailed for eight months in 2003 for competing against state-owned banks.

Among the reasons it took so long to write the law are popular concern about the gap between rich and poor, and a widespread perception that wealth is closely linked with corruption.

In response to concerns by hard-line Communists, drafters added the qualifier “legal” to most private-property references, signaling that the law won’t protect ill-gotten gains.

The law protects urban property owners better than their rural counterparts, legal experts say, because city-dwellers demanded it. By some estimates, more than 50% of Beijing’s nonmigrant residents now live in homes they own, creating an increasingly vocal interest group that is difficult to ignore.

In what experts say is a first in China, a Beijing condo owners association won a legal judgment late last year against a management company for overcharging its members and failing to provide adequate service.

“They have all the power and pressured us until we couldn’t breathe,” said Lei Xia, a university professor who helped bring the lawsuit. “So we relied on the law.”

The development’s ousted management company responded by cutting off water and electricity to its several thousand residents.

Some see in these condo associations, with their ranks of well-educated, media-savvy professionals a potential seed for democracy.

“I believe economic reform leads to political democracy, with condo owners on the leading edge,” said Chen Youhong, a public administration professor at Renmin University in Beijing. “Sure, they’re a headache for the [Communist] Party. But I believe the movement can’t be stopped.”

Others argue that the Chinese middle class is conservative, won’t follow Western patterns and will likely remain narrowly focused on issues directly related to ownership. The party doesn’t appear to be taking any chances, however.

Ren Chenguang, head of one Beijing condo owners’ association, applied to form an association of several hundred such groups to help them communicate and negotiate with the government.

Even though authorities have questioned his group’s leaders several times, Ren says the fact that the government hasn’t said no is a sign of progress. Others are less optimistic.

“He probably won’t be prosecuted,” said Luigi Tomba, a fellow at Australian National University studying China’s urban housing situation. “But I don’t think it will be approved.”

mark.magnier@latimes.com

Yin Lijin in the Beijing bureau contributed to this report.

Posted by M at 11:05:00 | Permalink | No Comments »